英語(yǔ)六級(jí)閱讀真題,不僅強(qiáng)化詞匯與句型理解,更提升閱讀速度與綜合分析能力。實(shí)戰(zhàn)演練,讓考生熟悉題型變化,掌握解題技巧,是沖刺六級(jí)高分不可或缺的寶貴資源。今天,小編將分享2019年12月大學(xué)英語(yǔ)六級(jí)閱讀真題以及答案(卷一)相關(guān)內(nèi)容,希望能為大家提供幫助!
Section A
Directions: In this section, there is a passage with ten blanks. You are required to select one word for each blank from a list of choices given in a word bank following the passage. Read the passage through carefully before making your choices. Each choice in the bank is identified by a letter. Please mark the corresponding letter for each item on Answer Sheet 2 with a single line through the centre. You may not use any of the words in the bank more than once.
When considering risk factors associated with serious chronic diseases, we often think about health indicators such as cholesterol, blood pressure, and body weight. But poor diet and physical inactivity also each increase the risk of heart disease and have a role to play in the development of some cancers. Perhaps worse, the 26 effects of an unhealthy diet and insufficient exercise are not limited to your body. Recent research has also shown that 27 in a high- fat and high- sugar diet may have negative effects on your brain, causing learning and memory 28 .
Studies have found obesity is associated with impairments in cognitive functioning, as 29 by a range of learning and memory tests, such as the ability to remember a list of words presented some minutes or hours earlier. There is also a growing body of evidence that diet- induced cognitive impairments can emerge 30 — within weeks or even days. For example, one study found healthy adults 31 to a high- fat diet for five days showed impaired attention, memory, and mood compared with a low- fat diet control group. Another study also found eating a high- fat and high- sugar breakfast each day for as little as four days resulted in problems with learning and memory 32 to those observed in overweight and obese individuals.
Body weight was not hugely different between the groups eating a healthy diet and those on high and sugar diets. So this shows negative 33 of poor dietary intake can occur even when body weight has not changed 34 . Thus, body weight is not always the best indicator of health and a thin person still needs to eat well and exercise 35 .
A) assessed
B) assigned
C) consequences
D) conspicuously
E) deficits
F) designated
G) detrimental
H) digestion
I) excelling
J) indulging
K) loopholes
L) rapidly
M) redundant
N) regularly
O) similar
Section B
Directions: In this section, you are going to read a passage with ten statements attached to it. Each statement contains information given in one of the paragraphs. Identify the paragraph from which the information is derived. You may choose a paragraph more than once. Each paragraph is marked with a letter. Answer the questions by marking the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 2.
Increased Screen Time and Wellbeing Decline in Youth
A) Have young people never had it so good? Or do they face more challenges than any previous generation? Our current era in the West is one of high wealth. This means minors enjoy material benefits and legal protections that would have been the envy of those living in the past. But There is an increasing suspicion that all is not well for our youth. And one of the most popular explanations, among some experts and the popular media, is that excessive“ screen time” is to blame.( This refers to all the attention young people devote to their phones, tablets and laptops.) However, this is a contentious theory and such claims have been treated skeptically by some scholars based on their reading of the relevant data.
B) Now a new study has provided another contribution to the debate, uncovering strong ev idence that adolescent wellbeing in the United States really is experiencing a decline and arguing that the most likely cause is the electronic riches we have given them. The background to this is that from the 1960s into the early 2000s, measures of average wellbeing went up in the US. This was especially true for younger people. It reflected the fact that these decades saw a climb in general standards of living and avoidance of mass societal traumas like full- scale war or economic deprivation. However, the“ screen time” hypothesis, advanced by researchers such as Jean Twenge, is that electronic devices and excessive time spent online may have reversed these trends in re cent years, causing problems for young people's psychological health.
C) To investigate, Twenge and her colleagues dived into the“ Monitoring the Future” databaset based on annual surveys of American school students from grades 8, 10, and 12 that started in 1991. In total, 1. I million young people answered various questions related to their wellbeing. Twenge's team's analysis of the answers confirmed the earlier, well- established wellbeing climb, with scores rising across the 1990s, and into the later2000s. This was found across measures like self- esteem, life satisfaction, happiness and satisfaction with individual domains like job, neighborhood, or friends. But around 2012 these measures started to decline. This continued through 2016, the most recent year for which data is available.
D) Twenge and her colleagues wanted to understand why this change in average wellbeing occurred.However, it is very hard to demonstrate causes using non- experimental data such as this. In fact, when Twenge previously used this data to suggest a screen time effect, some commentators were quick to raise this problem. They argued that her causal- sounding claims rested on correlational data, and that she had not adequately accounted for other potential causal factors. This time around, Twenge and her team make a point of saying that they are not trying to establish causes as such, but that they are assessing the plausibility of potential causes.
E) First, they explain that if a given variable is playing a role in affecting wellbeing, then we should expect any change in that variable to correlate with the observed changes in wellbeing. If not, it is not plausible that the variable is a causal factor. So the researchers looked at time spent in a number of activities that could plausibly be driving the wellbeing decline. Less sport, and fewer meetings with peers correlated with lower wellbeing, as did less time reading print media ( newspapers) and, surprisingly, less time doing homework.( This last find ing would appear to contradict another popular hypothesis that it is our burdening of students with assignment that is causing all the problems.) In addition, more TV watching and more electronic com munication both correlated with lower wellbeing. All these effects held true for measures of happiness, life satisfaction and self- esteem, with the effects stronger in the 8th and 10th- graders
F) Next, Twenge's team dug a little deeper into the data on screen time. They found that adolescents who spent a very small amount of time on digital devices—a couple of hours a week— had the highest wellbeing. Their wellbeing was even higher than those who never used such devices. However, higher doses of screen time were clearly associated with lower happiness. Those spending 10-19 hours per week on their devices were 41 percent more likely to be unhappy than lower- frequency users. Those who used such devices 40 hours a week or more( one in ten teenagers) were twice as likely to be unhappy. The data was slightly complicated by the fact that there was a tendeney for kids who were social in the real world to also use more online communication, but by bracketing out different cases it became clear that the real- world sociality compone nt correlated with greater wellbeing, whereas greater time on screens or online only correlated with poorer wellbeing.
G) So far, so plausible. But the next question is, are the drops in average wellbeing happening at the same time as trends toward increased electronic device usage? It looks like it — after all, 2012 was the tipp ing point when more than half of Americans began owning smartphones. Twenge and her colleagues also found that across the key years of 2013-16, wellbeing was indeed lowest in years where adolescents spent more time online, on social media, and reading news online, and when more youth in the United States had smartphones. And in a second amalysis, they found that where technology went, dips in wellbeing followed. For instance, years with a larger increase in online usage were followed by years with lower wellbeing, rather than the other way around. This does not prove causality, but is consistent with it. Meanwhile, TV use did not show this tracking. TV might make you less happy, but this is not what seems to be driving the recent declines in young people's average happiness.
H)A similar but reversed pattern was found for the activities associated with greater wellbeing. For example,years when people spent more time with friends were better years for wellbeing ( and followed by better years). Sadly, the data also showed face- to- face socializing and sports activity had declined over the period covered by the survey.
I) There is another explanation that Twenge and her colleagues wanted to address: the impact of the great recession of 2007-2009, which hit a great number of American families and might be affecting adolescents. The data set they used did not include economic data, so instead the researchers looked at whether the 2013-16 wellbeing decline was tracking economic indicators. They found some evidence that some crude measures, like income inequality, correlated with changes in wellbeing, but economic measures with a more direct impact, like family income and unemployment rates( which put families into difficulties) , had no relationship with wellbeing. The researchers also note the recession hit some years before we see the beginning of the wellbeing drop, and before the steepest wellbeing decline, which occurred in 2013.
J) The researchers conclude that electronic communication was the only adolescent activity that increased at the same time psychological wellbeing declined . I suspect that some experts in the field will be keen to address alternative explanations, such as unassessed variables playing a role in the well being decline. But the new work does go further than previous research and suggests that screen time should still be considered a potential barrier to young people's flourishing.
36. The year when most Americans began using smartphones was identified as a turning point in young Americans' level of happiness.
37. Scores in various wellbeing measures began to go downward among young Americans in recent years.
38. Unfortunately, activities involving direct contact with people, which contributed to better wellbeing were found to be on the decline.
39. In response to past critics, Twenge and her co- researchers stress they are not trying to prove that the use of digital devices reduces young people's wellbeing.
40. In the last few decades of the 20th century, living standards went up and economic depressions were largely averted in the US.
41. Contrary to popular belief, doing homework might add to students' wellbeing.
42. The author believes the researchers' new study has gone a step further regarding the impact of screen time on wellbeing.
43. The researchers found that extended screen time makes young people less happy.
44. Data reveals that economic inequality rather than family income might affect people's wellbeing.
45. Too much screen time is widely believed to be the cause of unhappiness among today's young people.
Section C
Directions: There are 2 passages in this section. Each passage is followed by some questions or unfinished statements. For each of them there are four choices marked A) , B), C) and D). You should decide on the best choice and mark the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 2 with a single line through the centre.
Passage One
Questions 46 to 50 are based on the following passage.
“ The dangerous thing about lying is people don't understand how the act changes us,” says Dan Ariely, behavioural psychologist at Duke University . Psychologists have documented children lying as early as the age of two. Some experts even consider lying a developmental milestone, like crawling and walking, because it requires sophisticated planning, attention and the ability to see a situation from someone else's perspective to manipulate them. But, for most people, lying gets limited as we develop a sense of morality and the ability to self- regulate.
Harvard cognitive neuroscientist Joshua Greene says. for most of us, lying takes work. In studies, he gave subjects a chance to deceive for monetary gain while examining their brains in a functional MRI machine, which maps blood flow to active parts of the brain. Some people told the truth instantly and instinctively. But others opted to lie, and they showed increased activity in their frontal parietal(顱腔壁的) control network, which is involved in difficult or complex thinking. This suggests that they were deciding between truth and dishonesty— and ultimately opting for the latter. For a follow- up analysis, he found that people whose neural(神經(jīng)的) reward centres were more active when they won money were also more likely to be among the group of liars— suggesting that lying may have to do with the inability to resist temptation.
External conditions also matter in terms of when and how often we lie. We are more likely to lie, research shows, when we are able to rationalise it, when we are stressed and fatigued or see others being dishonest. And we are less likely to lie when we have moral reminders or when we think others are watching.“ We as a society need to understand that, when we don't punish lying, we increase the probability it will happen again,” Ariely says.
In a 2016 study published in the journal Nature Neuroscience, Ariely and colleagues showed how dishonesty alters people's brains, making it easier to tell lies in the future. When people uttered a falsehood, the scientists noticed a burst of activity in their amygdala. The amygdala is a crucial part of the brain that produces fear, anxiety and emotional responses including that sinking, guilty feeling you get when you lie. But when scientists had their subject s play a game— in which they w on money by deceiving their partner, they noticed the negative signals from the amygdala began to decrease. Not only that, but when people faced no consequences for dishonesty, their falsehoods tended to get even more sensational . This means that if you give people multiple opportunities to lie for their own benefit, they start with little lies which get bigger over time.
46. Why do some experts consider lying a milestone in a child's development?
A) It shows they have the ability to view complex situations from different angles.
B) It indicates they have an ability more remarkable than crawling and walking.
C) It represents their ability to actively interact with people around them.
D) It involves the coordination of both their men tal and physical abilities.
47. Why does the Harvard neuroscientist say that lying takes work?
A) It is hard to choose from several options.
B) It is difficult to sound natural or plausible.
C) It requires speedy blood flow into one's brain.
D) It involves lots of sophisticated men tal activity.
48. Under what circumstances do people tend to lie?
A) When they become too emotional.
B) When they face too much peer pressure.
C) When the temptation is too strong.
D) When the consequences are not imminent.
49. When are people less likely to lie?
A) When they are wom out and stressed.
B) When they are under watchful eyes.
C) When they think in a rational way.
D) When they have a clear conscience.
50. What does the author say will happen when a liar does not get punished?
A) They may feel justified.
B) They will tell bigger lies.
C) They will become complacent.
D) They may mix lies and truths.
Passage Two
Questions 51 to 55 are based on the following passage.
Here's how the Pacific Northwest is preparing for“ The Big One”. It's the mother of all disaster drills for what could be the worst disaster in American history. California has spent years preparing for“ The Big One”- the inevitable earthquake that will undoubtedly unleash all kinds of havoc along the famous San Andreas fault(斷層). But what if the fault that runs along the Pacific Northwest delivers a gigantic earthquake of its own? If the people of the Cascadia region have anything to do with it, they won't be caught unawares.
The region is engaged in a multi- day earthquake- and- tsunami(海嘯) drill involving around 20,000 people. The Cascadia Rising drill gives area residents and emergency responders a chance to practice what to do in case ofa9.0- magnitude earthquake and tsunami along one of the nation's dangerous— and underestimated— faults.
The Cascadia Earthquake Zone is big enough to compete with San Andreas( it's been called the most dangerous fault in America), but it's much lesser known than its Califomia cousin. Nearly 700 miles long, the earthquake zone is located by the North American Plate off the coast of Pacific British Columbia, Washington, Oregon and Northern California.
Cascadia is what's known as a“ megathrust” fault. Megathrusts are created in earthquake zones- land plate boundaries where two plates converge. In the areas where one plate is beneath another, stress builds up over time. During a megathrust event, all of that stress releases and some of the world's most powerful earthquake s occur. Remember the 9.1 earthquake and ts unam i in the Indian Ocean off Sumatra in 2004? It was caused by a megathrust event as the India plate moved beneath the Burma micro- plate.
The last time a major earthquake occurred along the Cascadia fault was in 1700, so officials worry that another event could occur any time. To prevent that event from becoming a catastrophe, first responders will join members of the public in rehearsals that involve communication, evacuation, search and rescue, and other scenarios.
Thousands of casualties are expected if a 9.0 carthquake were to occur. First, the earthquake would shake metropolitan areas including Seattle and Portland. This could trigger a tsunam i that would create havoc along the coast. Not all casualties can necessarily be prevented— but by coordinating across local, state, and even national borders, officials hope that the worst- case scenario can be averted. On the exercise's website, officials explain that the report they prepare during this rehearsal will inform disaster management for years to come.
For hundreds of thousands of Cascadia residents,“ The Big One” isn't a question of if, only when. And it's never too early to get ready for the inevitable.
51. What does“ The Big One” refer to?
A) A gigantic geological fault.
B) A large- scale exercise to prepare for disasters.
C) A massive natural catastrophe.
D) A huge tsunami on the California coast.
52. What is the purpose of the Cascadia Rising drill?
A) To prepare people for a major earthquake and tsunami.
B) To increase residents' awareness of imminent disasters.
C) To teach people how to adapt to post- disaster life.
D) To cope with the aftermath of a possible earthquake.
53. What happens in case of a megathrust earthquake according to the passage?
A) Two plates merge into one.
B) A variety of forces converge.
C) Boundaries blur between plates.
D) Enormous stress is released.
54. What do the officials hope to achieve through the drills?
A) Coordinating various disaster- relief efforts.
B) Reducing casualties in the event of a disaster.
C) Minimizing property loss caused by disasters.
D) Establishing disaster and emergency management.
55. What does the author say about“ The Big One”?
A) Whether it will occur remains to be seen.
B) How it will arrive is too early to predict.
C) Its occurrence is just a matter of time.
D) It keeps haunting Cascadia residents.
26. G) detrimental
語(yǔ)義判斷:前文提到,糟糕的日常飲食和缺乏運(yùn)動(dòng)也會(huì)增加患上心臟疾病的風(fēng)險(xiǎn), 而且還會(huì)對(duì)一些癌癥的發(fā)展產(chǎn)生影響,而本句提到,不健康的飲食和運(yùn)動(dòng)量不足的……影響并不局限于你的身體,顯然,增加患上心臟疾病的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)、對(duì)癌癥的發(fā)展產(chǎn)生影響都屬于“不利”影響。detrimental意為“不利的,有害的”符合語(yǔ)境,故本題應(yīng)選G。
27. J) indulging
語(yǔ)義判斷:本句提到,最近的研究還表明, ??高脂肪、高糖的食物可能會(huì)對(duì)你的大腦產(chǎn)生負(fù)面影響,將符合語(yǔ)法條件的備選項(xiàng)代入原文,可知 indulgingin(沉溺于;肆意享受) 符合此處語(yǔ)境,故本題應(yīng)選J。
28. E) deficits
語(yǔ)義判斷:結(jié)合上面兩題的分析可知,此處是介紹最近的研究發(fā)現(xiàn)。上文提到, 不健康的飲食和運(yùn)動(dòng)量不足的不利影響并不局限于你的身體。由此可知,本句是說(shuō),肆意吃高脂肪、高糖的食物可能會(huì)對(duì)你的大腦產(chǎn)生負(fù)面影響,導(dǎo)致學(xué)習(xí)和記憶“障礙”, deficits意為“不足, 缺乏”,可以引申為“障礙”,符合此處語(yǔ)境, 故本題應(yīng)選E。
29. A) assessed
語(yǔ)義判斷:本句為第二段開頭句,前半句提到,研究發(fā)現(xiàn),肥胖與認(rèn)知功能受損有關(guān),后半句使用 as引導(dǎo)的短語(yǔ)加以補(bǔ)充說(shuō)明, 由 by a range of learning and memory tests(通過(guò)一系列學(xué)習(xí)和記憶測(cè)試)可知,符合語(yǔ)法條件的備選項(xiàng)中assessed符合語(yǔ)境,即“通過(guò)一系列學(xué)習(xí)和記憶測(cè)試評(píng)估”,在此處的語(yǔ)境中可以轉(zhuǎn)譯為“得出結(jié)論”,故本題應(yīng)選A。
30. L) rapidly
語(yǔ)義判斷:前半句提到,越來(lái)越多的證據(jù)也表明,飲食導(dǎo)致的認(rèn)知障礙會(huì)……出現(xiàn),后面使用破折號(hào)加以補(bǔ)充說(shuō)明, 破折號(hào)后面指出 within weeks or even days(在幾周甚至幾天內(nèi)),可見, 此處是說(shuō),飲食導(dǎo)致的認(rèn)知障礙會(huì)“迅速”出現(xiàn),rapidly符合語(yǔ)境, 故本題選L。
31. B) assigned
語(yǔ)義判斷: 結(jié)合符合語(yǔ)法條件的備選項(xiàng),由后面的compared with a low- fat diet control group(與低脂肪飲食的對(duì)照組相比)可知,此處是說(shuō),健康成年人“被指定”攝入高脂肪飲食五天后,就顯示出注意力、記憶力和情緒受損的情況,assign sb. to sth.為固定搭配,意為“指定某人做某事”,符合語(yǔ)境,此處使用的是其過(guò)去分詞結(jié)構(gòu) assigned to(被指定),故本題應(yīng)選B。
32. O) similar
語(yǔ)義判斷:前半句提到,另一項(xiàng)研究還發(fā)現(xiàn),每天吃一頓高脂肪、高糖的早餐,只要四天,就會(huì)導(dǎo)致學(xué)習(xí)和記憶方面出現(xiàn)問(wèn)題, 由后文to those observed in overweight and obese individuals(與觀察到的超重和肥胖人群的情況)可知,連續(xù)四天吃高脂肪、高糖早餐的人產(chǎn)生的情況應(yīng)與超重和肥胖人群的情況“類似”。similar to為固定搭配, 意為“類似于”, 符合語(yǔ)境,故本題選O。
33. C) consequences
語(yǔ)義判斷:本段首句提到,健康飲食組和高脂肪、高糖飲食組的體重差異并不是特別大,而本句指出,即使體重沒(méi)有……變化, 攝入不良飲食的負(fù)面……也會(huì)發(fā)生,將符合語(yǔ)法條件的備選項(xiàng)代入原文可知, 此處是指負(fù)面“影響”,consequences符合語(yǔ)境, 故本題應(yīng)選C。
34. D) conspicuously
語(yǔ)義判斷:上文提到,健康飲食組和高脂肪、高糖飲食組的體重差異并不是特別大,故此處應(yīng)指,即使體重沒(méi)有“顯著”變化, 攝入不良飲食的負(fù)面影響也會(huì)產(chǎn)生,conspicuously意為“顯著”,符合語(yǔ)境,故本題應(yīng)選D。
35. N) regularly
語(yǔ)義判斷:文章最后得出結(jié)論,因此,體重并不總是健康的最佳指標(biāo),身材消瘦的人仍然需要吃好,由needs to eat well and exercise可見, eat well和 exercise_____構(gòu)成并列關(guān)系, 將 regularly代入原文,恰好符合這種并列關(guān)系,即“吃好,并且經(jīng)常鍛煉”,故本題應(yīng)選N。
36.答案: G
解析: 注意抓住題干中的關(guān)鍵信息 The year when most Americans began using smartphones was identified as a turning point。文章段落中談及大多數(shù)美國(guó)人開始使用智能手機(jī)的那一年被認(rèn)為是轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn)的內(nèi)容出現(xiàn)在G段。該段探討了平均幸福感降低是否與電子設(shè)備使用增多同時(shí)發(fā)生的問(wèn)題,其中第三句提到,2012年是半數(shù)以上的美國(guó)人開始擁有智能手機(jī)的轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn)。本句是對(duì)該段此句的同義轉(zhuǎn)述,題干中The year指代原文中的2012; when most Americans began using smartphones對(duì)應(yīng)原文中when more than half of Americans began owning smartphones; was identified as a turning point對(duì)應(yīng)原文中的 was the tipping point.
37.答案: C
解析: 注意抓住題干中的關(guān)鍵信息Scores in various wellbeing measures began to go downward。文章段落中談及體現(xiàn)幸福感的各種指標(biāo)下降的內(nèi)容出現(xiàn)在C段。該段第三句指出, 這些指標(biāo)的分?jǐn)?shù)從20世紀(jì)90年代持續(xù)上升到21世紀(jì)00年代后期,特文格的團(tuán)隊(duì)從而得出結(jié)論:幸福感提升早年確實(shí)長(zhǎng)期存在過(guò)。最后兩句說(shuō), 2012年前后這些指標(biāo)開始下降, 一直持續(xù)到2016年。其中 these measures回指上句中的 measures like self- esteem, life satisfaction, happiness and satisfaction with individual domains like job, neighborhood, or friends。本題題干是對(duì)C段內(nèi)容的概括。題干中的 began to go downward是原文倒數(shù)第二句中 started to decline的同義轉(zhuǎn)述; in recent years對(duì)應(yīng)原文中的 around 2012及 continued through 2016。
38.答案: H
解析: 注意抓住題干中的關(guān)鍵信息 activities involving direct contact with people和 on the decline。文章段落中談到與人直接接觸的活動(dòng)在減少的內(nèi)容出現(xiàn)在H段。H段第二句談到,人們花更多時(shí)間與朋友在一起的某幾年中幸福感較高(接下來(lái)的幾年幸福感更高)。說(shuō)明與朋友相處這種直接與人接觸的活動(dòng)是可以提升幸福感的。但緊接著第三句又說(shuō),遺憾的是, 數(shù)據(jù)還顯示, 在調(diào)查所涉期間,面對(duì)面社交和體育活動(dòng)有所減少??梢?本句是對(duì)H段這兩句的同義轉(zhuǎn)述。題干中 activities involving direct contact with people對(duì)應(yīng)原文中的 face- to- face socializing; were found to be on the decline是原文中 had declined的變化說(shuō)法。
39.答案: D
解析: 注意抓住題干中的關(guān)鍵信息 In response to past critics, Twenge and her co- researchers stress they are not trying to prove。文章段落中涉及特文格和她的同事們回應(yīng)批評(píng)者的內(nèi)容出現(xiàn)在D段。該段第三、四句談到, 當(dāng)特文格用這些數(shù)據(jù)來(lái)說(shuō)明屏幕使用時(shí)間效應(yīng)時(shí),一些評(píng)論者很快提出質(zhì)疑,認(rèn)為其聽上去具有因果關(guān)系的說(shuō)法其實(shí)是建立在相互關(guān)聯(lián)的數(shù)據(jù)上的, 并且沒(méi)有充分考慮其他潛在因素。緊接著最后一句, This time around“這一次”表示后面是對(duì)上述質(zhì)疑的回應(yīng):特文格和她的團(tuán)隊(duì)強(qiáng)調(diào)他們并非試圖證明這個(gè)原因,而是在評(píng)估其他潛在原因的合理性。文中causes as such指上文B、C段中論述的 the most. likely cause is the electronic riches we have given them, 即電子設(shè)備的使用導(dǎo)致年輕人的幸福感降低??梢?本句是對(duì)D段內(nèi)容的概述。題干中 past critics是對(duì)原文D段第三、四句的概括; stress是原文 make a point of saying的同義轉(zhuǎn)述。
40.答案: B
解析: 注意抓住題干中的關(guān)鍵信息 living standards went up和 economic depressions were largely averted。文章段落中提到生活水平上升和經(jīng)濟(jì)蕭條得以避免的內(nèi)容出現(xiàn)在B段。該段第二、三句提到,從20世紀(jì)60年代到21世紀(jì)初,美國(guó)人的平均幸福指數(shù)提高了,特別是年輕人。緊接著第四句指出,這反映出一個(gè)事實(shí): 這幾十年來(lái),人們的總體生活水平在上升,全面戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)或經(jīng)濟(jì)匱乏等大規(guī)模的社會(huì)創(chuàng)傷得以避免。將這三句話概括一下, 就是“20世紀(jì)最后幾十年的美國(guó),大規(guī)模的社會(huì)創(chuàng)傷得以避免, 生活水平提高, 導(dǎo)致人們幸福感提升”,本題是對(duì)此的同義轉(zhuǎn)述。題干中的 In the last few decades of the 20th century對(duì)應(yīng)原文的 from the 1960s into the early 2000s; living standards went up對(duì)應(yīng)原文中的a climb in general standards of living; economic depressions were largely averted對(duì)應(yīng)原文中的 avoidance of… economic deprivation。
41.答案: E
解析: 注意抓住題干關(guān)鍵詞 doing homework。文章段落中提及做作業(yè)的內(nèi)容出現(xiàn)在E段。該段第四、五句談到,體育活動(dòng)減少、與同齡人見面的次數(shù)減少會(huì)導(dǎo)致青少年幸福感降低, 閱讀印刷媒體(報(bào)紙)的時(shí)間減少、做家庭作業(yè)的時(shí)間減少也會(huì)導(dǎo)致青少年幸福感降低,后者令人驚訝。最后一個(gè)發(fā)現(xiàn)似乎與另一個(gè)流行的假設(shè)相矛盾,即正是我們給學(xué)生的作業(yè)負(fù)擔(dān)過(guò)重導(dǎo)致了所有的問(wèn)題。可見,流行觀點(diǎn)是“給學(xué)生的作業(yè)負(fù)擔(dān)過(guò)重導(dǎo)致了所有的問(wèn)題”,而研究人員發(fā)現(xiàn)的是,做家庭作業(yè)的時(shí)間減少會(huì)降低青少年的幸福感,那么可以得出結(jié)論:與流行觀點(diǎn)相反,做作業(yè)可能會(huì)提高學(xué)生的幸福感。本句是對(duì)E段此處內(nèi)容的合理推斷。
42.答案: J
解析: 注意抓住題干中的關(guān)鍵信息 the researchers' new study has gone a step further。文章段落中談及新研究更進(jìn)一步的相關(guān)內(nèi)容出現(xiàn)在J段。該段最后一句作者表明觀點(diǎn):這項(xiàng)新的研究確實(shí)比以前的研究更進(jìn)一步,指出屏幕使用時(shí)間仍應(yīng)該被認(rèn)為是阻礙年輕人健康幸福的潛在障礙。也就是說(shuō),作者認(rèn)為,在屏幕使用時(shí)間對(duì)年輕人幸福感的影響問(wèn)題上,研究者們的新研究是進(jìn)步的。本句是對(duì)原文的同義轉(zhuǎn)述。
43.答案: F
解析: 注意抓住題干中的關(guān)鍵信息extended screen time makes young people less happy。文章段落中談到屏幕使用時(shí)間長(zhǎng)短與年輕人快樂(lè)與否的關(guān)系的內(nèi)容出現(xiàn)在F段。該段前半部分首先說(shuō)到,在數(shù)字設(shè)備上花費(fèi)時(shí)間很少的青少年幸福感最高,其幸福感甚至比那些從不使用這類設(shè)備的人還要高。緊接著在第四句指出,更長(zhǎng)的屏幕使用時(shí)間明顯與幸福感降低有關(guān)。可見,屏幕使用時(shí)間延長(zhǎng)導(dǎo)致年輕人更加不快樂(lè),本句是原文第四句的同義轉(zhuǎn)述。題干中的 extended screen time對(duì)應(yīng)原文中的 higher doses of screen time; less happy對(duì)應(yīng)原文中的 lower happiness。
44.答案: I
解析: 注意抓住題干中的關(guān)鍵信息 economic inequality, family income和 affect people's wellbeing。文章段落中談及經(jīng)濟(jì)不平等、家庭收入與人們幸福感的關(guān)系是在I段。該段第三句提到,他們發(fā)現(xiàn)了一些證據(jù)表明,收入不平等等一些粗略的衡量標(biāo)準(zhǔn)與幸福感的變化相關(guān),但具有更直接影響的經(jīng)濟(jì)指標(biāo),如家庭收入和(使家庭陷入困境的)失業(yè)率,與幸福感沒(méi)有任何關(guān)系。由此可知,影響人們幸福感的是經(jīng)濟(jì)上的不平等,而不是家庭收入。題干是對(duì)原文I段第三句的同義轉(zhuǎn)述。題干中的 economic inequality和 family income均為原詞復(fù)現(xiàn)。
45.答案: A
解析:注意題干說(shuō)的是“人們普遍認(rèn)為,屏幕使用時(shí)間過(guò)長(zhǎng)是當(dāng)今年輕人感到不幸福的原因”。這句話是在提出一種普遍觀點(diǎn),往往出現(xiàn)在文章開頭部分, 結(jié)合題干關(guān)鍵詞 today's young people可定位到A段。該段開頭說(shuō)現(xiàn)在的年輕人所享有令生活在過(guò)去的人羨慕的物質(zhì)利益和法律保護(hù)。緊接著第五、六句轉(zhuǎn)折指出,人們?cè)絹?lái)越懷疑這一切對(duì)我們的年輕人來(lái)說(shuō)并非都是好的, 最流行的一個(gè)解釋是,“屏幕使用時(shí)間”過(guò)長(zhǎng)是罪魁禍?zhǔn)?。后文借由特文格及其團(tuán)隊(duì)的研究來(lái)論述屏幕使用時(shí)間與幸福感的關(guān)系??梢?, 此處是說(shuō)人們普遍認(rèn)為屏幕使用時(shí)間過(guò)長(zhǎng)是當(dāng)今年輕人感到不幸福的原因。本題對(duì)應(yīng)A段。
46.定位:根據(jù)題干信息詞milestone和development,可以把答案線索定位到第一段第三句。
解析:該句指出,一些專家甚至認(rèn)為撒謊是一個(gè)像爬行和走路一樣重要的成長(zhǎng)階段,因?yàn)樗枰獜?fù)雜的計(jì)劃和注意力,以及為了操縱某個(gè)人而從此人的角度著情況的能力。選項(xiàng)A中的view complex situations from different angles是對(duì)原文中的see a situation from someone else's perspective的同義替換,故為正確答案。該句提到了標(biāo)志著一個(gè)成長(zhǎng)階段的爬行和行走,但沒(méi)有表明撒謊體現(xiàn)的能力比這兩個(gè)能力更顯著,因選項(xiàng)B無(wú)中生有,應(yīng)排除。選項(xiàng)C、D 原文未提及,故均排除。
47.定位:根據(jù)題干信息詞Harvard neuroscientist和takeswork,可以把答案線索定位到第二段。
解析:該段首句提到哈佛大學(xué)認(rèn)知神經(jīng)科學(xué)家說(shuō)撒謊是需要費(fèi)心思的。后面第四句提到在他的研究中,有一些受試者選擇說(shuō)謊,此時(shí)他們的前額顱腔壁控制網(wǎng)的活動(dòng)增強(qiáng),這正是高難度或復(fù)雜的思維過(guò)程的結(jié)果。第五句說(shuō)這一情況表明,他們當(dāng)時(shí)正在真相和不誠(chéng)實(shí)之間做決定,并最終選擇了后者。由此可知,撒謊沙及復(fù)雜的心理活動(dòng)。選項(xiàng)D是對(duì)這兩句話的總結(jié)概括,故為正確答案。選項(xiàng)A 、B原文未提及,故排除。本段第二句提到該研究中使用功能性核磁共振成像儀檢測(cè)受試者的大腦,該儀器可以呈 現(xiàn)出血液流向大腦的活躍部位的情況。這體現(xiàn)的是撒謊時(shí)的大腦內(nèi)部情況,而不是撒謊需要費(fèi)心思的原因,因此選項(xiàng)C不正確。
48.定位:根據(jù)題干信息詞tend tolie,可以把答案線索定位到第三段第二句。
解析:該句提到,當(dāng)我們能夠使謊言變得合理,當(dāng)我們感到壓力和疲勞,或者當(dāng)我們看到別人不誠(chéng)實(shí)時(shí),我們更有可能撒謊。選項(xiàng)B 中的同伴壓力屬于本句提到的三種更易撒謊的情況中的第三種,即當(dāng)我們看到別人不誠(chéng)實(shí)時(shí),故為正確答案。選項(xiàng)A、D原文未提及,屬于無(wú)中生有,故排除。選項(xiàng)C 是強(qiáng)干擾項(xiàng),第二段最后一句提到撒謊可能與無(wú)法抵抗誘惑有關(guān),但并沒(méi)有提及有強(qiáng)烈誘惑時(shí)人們更傾向于說(shuō)謊,屬于主觀推斷,故排除。
49.定位:根據(jù)題干信息詞less ikely tolie,可以把答案線索定位到第三段第三句。
解析:該句提到,當(dāng)我們受到道德方面的提醒或者認(rèn)為別人在觀察我們的時(shí)候,我們就不太可能撒謊。選項(xiàng)B中的under watchful eyes與原文中的others are watching為同義替換,故選項(xiàng)B正確。選項(xiàng)A是更易撇謊的情況,屬于正反混滑,故排除。選項(xiàng)C、D原文未提及,故排除。
50.定位:根據(jù)題干信息詞not get punished, 可以把答案線索定位到第三段第四句和第四段的最后兩句。
解析:第三段第四句提到,當(dāng)我們不懲罰撒謊的行為時(shí),我們就增加了撒謊再次發(fā)生的可能性。第四段最后兩句提到,當(dāng)人們不用為不誠(chéng)實(shí)承擔(dān)后果時(shí),謊言往往會(huì)變得更加聳人聽聞。如果你給人們多個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)撒謊時(shí),謊言會(huì)變得越來(lái)越大。題干中的not get punished對(duì)應(yīng)原文中的faced no consequences,選項(xiàng)B中的tell bigger lies是原文lies which get bigger的同義轉(zhuǎn)述,故選項(xiàng)B正確。其他三項(xiàng)在原文中均未提及,故排除。
51.定位:根據(jù)題干中的信息詞“The Big One”,答案線索可以定位在文章第一段。
解析:文章第一段首句就提到“The Big One”,然后在第三句解釋了什么是“The Big One”,即破折號(hào)后的內(nèi)容:“這場(chǎng)不可避免的地震無(wú)疑將在著名的圣安德烈亞斯斷層上造成各種破壞。”通過(guò)這句話我們可以得出,“The Big One” 就是一場(chǎng)巨大的自然災(zāi)害,故選項(xiàng)C為正確答案。選項(xiàng)A是“大地震”發(fā)生 的原因,而非地震本身,故排除。選項(xiàng)B、D顯然錯(cuò)誤。
52.定位:根據(jù)題干中的信息詞Cascadia Rising dill,答案線索可以定位在文章第二段。
解析:文章第二段第二句提到:“ · 卡斯卡迪亞斷層崛起’演習(xí)使當(dāng)?shù)鼐用窈蛻?yīng)急人員有機(jī)會(huì)演練在美國(guó)最危險(xiǎn)且被低估的斷層發(fā)生9.0級(jí)地震和海嘯時(shí)的應(yīng)對(duì)方法。”由此可知,“卡斯卡迪亞斷層崛起”演 習(xí)的目的就是幫助人們應(yīng)對(duì)可能會(huì)發(fā)生的地震和海嘯。因此選項(xiàng)A為正確答案。選項(xiàng)B提到“迫在眉睫的災(zāi)害”,我們從文章最后一段知道,人們并不知道“大地震”何時(shí)會(huì)發(fā)生,不能用迫在眉睫來(lái)形容。選項(xiàng)C提到的“災(zāi)后生活”文中并沒(méi)有相關(guān)信息支持,也排除。選項(xiàng)D 提到的“應(yīng)對(duì)……后果”。在文中也沒(méi)有相關(guān)信息支持,也排除。
53.定位:根據(jù)題干中的信息詞a megathrust earthquake,答案線索可以定位在文章第四段。
解析:文章第四段第四句提到:“如果發(fā)生巨型逆沖斷層滑動(dòng),所有的壓力會(huì)釋放出來(lái),世界上最強(qiáng)烈的地震會(huì)發(fā)生。”由此可知,選項(xiàng)D 為正確答案。其他三個(gè)選項(xiàng)都是出題人根據(jù)第四段中出現(xiàn)的land plate boundaries where two plates converge設(shè)置的干擾項(xiàng),故均排除。
54.定位:根據(jù)題干中的信息詞officials,答案線索可以定位在文章第五、六段。
解析:文章第五段提到官員們擔(dān)心發(fā)生另一次地震,因此讓第一批應(yīng)急反應(yīng)者與公眾一起進(jìn)行演習(xí)。緊接著第六段提到:“并不是所有的傷亡都可以避免,但是通過(guò)跨地區(qū)、跨州,甚至跨國(guó)家邊界的協(xié)調(diào),官員們希望能夠避免最壞的情況。”而最壞的情況即第六段開頭提到的“如果發(fā)生9.0級(jí)地震,預(yù)計(jì)將有 數(shù)千人傷亡”。由此可知,避免最壞的情況即“在發(fā)生災(zāi)難時(shí)減少傷亡”,故選項(xiàng)B為正確答案。文中只提到通過(guò)各方協(xié)作減少傷亡,選項(xiàng)A只是演習(xí)的部分內(nèi)容,不是目的,故排除。選項(xiàng)C與原文信息不符,原文提到的是減少人員傷亡,而不是財(cái)產(chǎn)損失,故排除。選項(xiàng)D是本題的強(qiáng)干擾項(xiàng),因?yàn)榈诹巫詈笠痪涮岬?ldquo;在演習(xí)的同站上,官員們解釋說(shuō),他們?cè)谶@次演習(xí)中準(zhǔn)備的報(bào)告將會(huì)影響到今后幾年的災(zāi)害管理。”但是這句話只是說(shuō)演習(xí)中準(zhǔn)備的報(bào)告的作用,并非演習(xí)的最終目的,而且只提到災(zāi)害管理,并未提到應(yīng)急管理,故也排除。
55.定位:本題的題干信息詞是“The Big One”, 信息比較籠統(tǒng),而且全文都在圍繞“大地震”進(jìn)行敘述,所以考生很難精確定位答案線索所在段落。這時(shí)我們可以根據(jù)出題順序和段落順序基本一致的原則,將答案線索暫時(shí)定位在文章最后一段。
解析:文章最后一段提到:“對(duì)成千上萬(wàn)的卡斯卡迪亞居民來(lái)說(shuō),‘大地震’不是一個(gè)是否會(huì)發(fā)生的問(wèn)題,而是一個(gè)何時(shí)會(huì)發(fā)生的問(wèn)題。”由此可知選項(xiàng)C 是對(duì)該句話的同義轉(zhuǎn)述,故為正確答案。其中原文中的not a question of if,only when和選項(xiàng)C中的a matter of time屬于同義替換。選項(xiàng)A明顯和原文信息“The Big One"isn't a question of if相反,故排除。文中沒(méi)有提到“大地震”如何發(fā)生的信息,故排除選項(xiàng)B。文中也沒(méi)有提到“大地震”是否一直困擾卡斯卡迪亞的居民的問(wèn)題,因此選項(xiàng)D也排除。
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